Faith Is Not Blind · 5-1
Wars and Rumors of War · Watchman Insight
Section I
When the Smartest People in the Room Stopped Believing
The first time many American Christians encounter a serious challenge to their faith, they are not in a church. They are in a seminar room, or a laboratory, or a late-night conversation in a college dormitory, and someone — a professor, a colleague, a friend they respect — says something that undoes, in a single sentence, what twenty years of Sunday school assembled. The sentence is not always hostile. Sometimes it is simply precise. And the precision is enough.
The phenomenon has a name now. Deconstruction — borrowed from Derrida and applied, loosely, to the process by which a person raised in Christian faith begins to pull apart its components and finds, beneath the architecture, questions no one in their tradition ever taught them to ask. The term has traveled a long way from its origins in French literary theory: in contemporary American usage it refers less to a philosophical method than to a socio-psychological process of unraveling — the slow, often painful dismantling of inherited belief under the pressure of education, experience, and encounter with the world. It has become, in the last decade, one of the most discussed features of American religious life. Research by the Barna Group has documented the pattern with some consistency: the more education a person receives, the more likely she is to distance herself from the evangelical Christianity in which she was raised — not necessarily from Christianity altogether, but from the specific, often inarticulate, culturally freighted version of it that American Protestant churches have tended to transmit.
What those surveys rarely capture is the interior texture of that distancing — the combination of grief and relief that attends it, the sense of having been lied to not by malicious people but by a tradition that had simply never been asked hard questions, and the loneliness of discovering that the community one thought was a community of truth was often a community of comfort, and that the two are not the same thing.
This post is not a defense of deconstruction, nor a celebration of it. It is, instead, an argument that the tradition under examination contains, within itself, resources for moving through the crisis rather than simply being consumed by it — and that the movements of intellectual history bear this out with a regularity that deserves closer attention than the current debate typically affords.
In the previous installment, What Justice Forgot, we examined what happens when the moral vocabulary of the Christian tradition is severed from its theological roots — when the words remain and the framework disappears. This post asks the prior question: what happens when the framework itself comes under fire, and the person who has been operating inside it is not sure, anymore, whether it holds?
Section II
Three Minds That Broke Before They Deepened — and One That Did Not Return
The experience of intellectual faith crisis — the moment when what one believed encounters what one has now learned, and the two cannot, without cost, be reconciled — is not a novelty of the twenty-first century. It is, in the history of Christian thought, something closer to a recurring passage. The tradition that produced Augustine also produced his crisis. The civilization that built the medieval university also generated the shock that nearly unmade it. The century of the Scientific Revolution was populated with men who believed simultaneously in the new physics and in the God of Abraham, and spent their lives working out what that double belief required of them.
The first figure is Augustine of Hippo, who arrived at Christianity not through calm conviction but through a decade and a half of deliberate flight from it. He was, by his own account in the Confessions, repelled by the literary crudeness of the Latin Bible — it seemed, to a man educated in the finest rhetorical tradition of the late Roman empire, simply beneath him. He turned instead to Manichaeism, which offered a dualistic cosmology rigorous enough to satisfy an intellectual appetite and flexible enough to accommodate the moral ambiguities he was not prepared to surrender. He was good at Manichaeism. He was promoted within it. And then, slowly, he found it answering fewer and fewer of the questions he was actually asking.
What undid the Manichaean framework was not a sudden conversion but a growing precision about what the framework could not explain — the problem of evil, the nature of the will, the account of how a good God could be responsible for a world containing the darkness Augustine found in himself. When he encountered Ambrose of Milan, preaching a Christianity that was intellectually serious, philosophically sophisticated, and unembarrassed by its own complexity, the shock was not the discovery of new information. It was the discovery that the tradition he had dismissed as intellectually beneath him was capable of containing everything he had been looking for elsewhere.
The second figure is Thomas Aquinas, whose crisis was civilizational in scope but intensely personal in experience. When the rediscovered works of Aristotle arrived in the Latin West in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries — transmitted through Arabic translators and commentators, accompanied by the sophisticated philosophical apparatus of Islamic and Jewish scholarship — the effect on Christian intellectual life was seismic. Aquinas found himself caught between two hostile camps at the University of Paris: the conservative Augustinians, who viewed any accommodation of Aristotle as theological capitulation, and the radical Averroists, who used Aristotle to argue conclusions incompatible with Christian doctrine entirely. To hold the center between those pressures, while producing the most systematic theological work in the tradition’s history, was not an abstract exercise. It was a sustained act of intellectual and personal courage. The temptation, for the defenders of the tradition, was prohibition. Several ecclesiastical authorities attempted it. Aquinas took a different path: he read Aristotle more carefully than his opponents had, and argued — systematically, across the millions of words of the Summa Theologiae — that the philosophical tools the tradition’s critics were using could, with sufficient care, be turned to the tradition’s benefit. Grace does not destroy nature. It completes it.
The third figure is Robert Boyle, the seventeenth-century chemist whose work helped establish the experimental method as the basis of natural philosophy. Boyle was a devout Christian in an age when the mechanical philosophy — the account of nature as a lawful, self-operating system — was beginning to raise, with scientific rather than merely philosophical force, the question of whether God was necessary. Boyle’s answer was not the God of the Gaps — the diminished deity who operates in the spaces science has not yet reached. It was something more durable: the claim that the more precisely the mechanisms of nature were understood, the more clearly they displayed the intelligence of their Author. A complicated clock does not demonstrate the absence of a clockmaker. It demonstrates a more skillful one. Boyle endowed lectures in his will specifically for the purpose of defending Christianity against the intellectual challenges of his era — an act that reflects both the gravity of those challenges and his confidence that the tradition was capable of meeting them.
Intellectual honesty, however, requires acknowledging a fourth kind of story. Bertrand Russell began his intellectual life in a household with strong religious commitments and moved, through sustained philosophical inquiry, to a settled atheism he never abandoned. John Stuart Mill and A. J. Ayer followed trajectories that did not return to faith. These are not the cases this post is examining, but they belong in any honest account of what serious inquiry can produce. The claim here is not that deconstruction inevitably leads back to belief. It is the narrower claim: that Christian faith has historically proven capable of surviving serious inquiry at its strongest — and that the tradition contains resources for that survival which the simplified version it usually transmits does not.
Section III
The Texts That Did Not Flinch
The biblical tradition does not model a faith that is untouched by crisis. It models, with uncomfortable consistency, a faith that passes through it.
The book of Job is the most sustained engagement in the Hebrew Bible with the problem that deconstruction is, at its most serious, actually about: whether the moral order the tradition asserts corresponds to the reality the person of faith actually inhabits. Job is a righteous man by every available measure. The catastrophe that dismantles his life is not a consequence of his failure. It arrives, the text is explicit, as a test — and the test consists precisely in the suspension of the framework that should, by the tradition’s own account, protect the righteous. Job’s comforters represent the tradition in its most brittle form: they know the theological formula, they apply it with confidence, and they are wrong. God’s answer from the whirlwind is not an explanation. It is an expansion — a recalibration of the frame of reference large enough to hold the question without resolving it on the questioner’s preferred terms.
“Where were you when I laid the foundation of the earth? Tell me, if you have understanding.”
— Job 38:4 (ESV)
The Psalms encode, across one hundred and fifty poems, the full range of what the person of faith actually experiences — including the experience of abandonment, of unanswered prayer, of a God who seems absent precisely when the need is greatest. Psalm 88 ends without resolution. It is the only psalm in the collection that does not turn toward hope at the close. Its final word is darkness. The tradition preserved it. The tradition did not edit it into something more comfortable.
“I cry out day and night before you… You have caused my beloved and my friend to shun me; my companions have become darkness.”
— Psalm 88:1, 18 (ESV)
The New Testament’s most direct engagement with doubt is concentrated in the figure of Thomas — who, in the Gospel of John, refuses to accept the testimony of the other disciples without direct evidence, and who is not condemned for this refusal. The text does not present Thomas as a model of weak faith. It presents him as a man whose faith, when it arrives, is grounded rather than performed.
“Unless I see in his hands the mark of the nails, and place my finger into the mark of the nails, and place my hand into his side, I will never believe.”
— John 20:25 (ESV)
What these texts share is a refusal of the anesthetic reading — the account of faith as the management of anxiety rather than the engagement with reality. The person formed by Job and the Psalms and the Gospel of John is not a person who has been protected from the hard questions. She is a person who has been given a framework large enough to hold them — not to resolve them prematurely, but to remain inside them without being destroyed.
Section IV
What Deconstruction Gets Right — and What It Misses
The contemporary deconstruction movement within American Christianity is not, at its best, simply a loss of faith. It is, in many cases, the loss of a specific and inadequate faith — a faith that was never grounded in the full tradition but in a cultural accretion of it, a faith that was more tribal identity than theological conviction, a faith that could not survive the first serious encounter with a serious objection because it had never been formed to do so.
Barna Group research on young adult faith departures consistently identifies a specific complaint: the church, in the experience of those who leave, did not take their questions seriously. It offered answers before the questions were fully asked. It treated doubt as a symptom of spiritual deficiency rather than as an instrument of intellectual integrity. It confused the comfort of certainty with the substance of faith. In doing so, it produced a Christianity that was, for the intellectually serious, literally unbelievable — not because the tradition’s claims are false, but because the tradition had been presented in a form so impoverished that the first encounter with serious counter-evidence was sufficient to collapse it.
This is the part the deconstruction movement gets right. The cultural Christianity that dominated mid-twentieth-century American Protestantism — the Christianity of social convention, tribal belonging, and confident answers to questions that were not being asked — was not the tradition. It was a simplified, sociologically convenient version of it. That version deserved scrutiny. Whether it deserves deconstruction all the way down is a separate question.
What the movement tends to miss is the difference between the cultural accretion and the tradition itself. To discover that one was not given the full intellectual inheritance of Christianity is not to discover that the inheritance does not exist. Contemporary secular scholarship is itself far from monolithic on this point: thinkers as varied as Charles Taylor, Jürgen Habermas, and Martha Nussbaum have challenged simplistic narratives of inevitable secular progress, each finding that the resources of the religious tradition remain more philosophically generative than the standard secular account allows. Within the tradition itself, voices as different as Marilynne Robinson — whose novels and essays constitute perhaps the most sustained literary defense of Calvinist intellectual culture in contemporary American letters — and the Cambridge theologian Sarah Coakley, whose work on prayer and apophatic theology has forced feminist and analytic philosophy into unexpected conversation, demonstrate that the intellectual inheritance is still alive and still producing. The claim that “we now know better” rests on epistemological assumptions that are at least as contestable as the beliefs they are deployed to dismiss.
The philosopher Alvin Plantinga spent the better part of four decades demonstrating, with the rigor of analytic philosophy, that the belief in God is not epistemically inferior to the secular alternatives. His argument was not that Christianity is demonstrably true, but the narrower and more precise claim: that Christian belief cannot be characterized as uniquely irrational among the foundational commitments people inevitably hold — that it is, in his technical framing, properly basic in a way that secular dismissals have not adequately addressed. That is a different and more defensible claim, and it is worth distinguishing from the stronger assertion.
The contemporary case that most directly bridges Boyle’s world and our own is Francis Collins, who directed the Human Genome Project and served as director of the National Institutes of Health. Collins came to Christian faith as an adult through a process that was, by his own account, primarily intellectual before it was experiential. Dissatisfied with the atheism he had held as a working scientist, he began reading C. S. Lewis’s Mere Christianity — an encounter that dismantled, argument by argument, the assumption that faith was an intellectual evasion rather than a position demanding engagement. What followed was months of sustained inquiry. The moment he later described — alone on a hiking trail in the Cascades, confronting a frozen waterfall — was the culmination of that long search, not a shortcut past it: an experiential arrival at a conclusion his reasoning had already been approaching. He is explicit in The Language of God about the limits of what science can and cannot settle, and he does not present the evidence as coercive. What his trajectory illustrates is that the encounter between rigorous scientific method and Christian faith need not resolve in the direction secular culture assumes. Complexity is not a concession. It is the actual shape of the terrain.
The tradition is not threatened by serious inquiry. It is threatened by the caricature of itself that it sometimes transmits, and by the caricature of its alternatives that its critics sometimes deploy. The encounter between faith and serious intellectual challenge, when both sides are represented at full strength, has historically produced something more interesting than either side’s preferred narrative. In the lives of people willing to stay in the encounter rather than exit it, the result is more often a faith that has been refined than one that has simply been abandoned — a faith that knows, now, what it actually believes and why, rather than what it inherited and performed.
Section V
The Faith That Holds Precisely Because It Was Broken
There is a sentence near the end of Job that deserves more attention than it typically receives. After God has spoken from the whirlwind — not answering Job’s questions but enlarging the frame in which the questions were being asked — God turns to the three comforters and says something remarkable: Job has spoken of God what is right, and they have not. The comforters defended the tradition. Job challenged it. The tradition’s own text awards the commendation to the challenger.
This is not an endorsement of every act of deconstruction. It is something more specific: a distinction, embedded in the tradition itself, between the faith that performs certainty and the faith that remains honest inside uncertainty. The comforters’ error was not that they believed too much. It was that they believed too cheaply — that they resolved the tension before it had done its work, that they protected the formula at the cost of the person sitting in the ash heap before them. Dust. Silence. A man who had lost everything and would not say what was not true.
The trajectory from that ash heap to the whirlwind is not a comfortable one. It was not comfortable for Augustine, who spent fifteen years in intellectual exile before arriving at a Christianity more capacious than the one he had dismissed. It was not comfortable for Aquinas, who spent decades inside an intellectual crisis that the ecclesiastical establishment would have preferred to resolve by prohibition. It was not comfortable for Collins, who describes the moment of his conversion as having arrived not in a laboratory but alone on a hiking trail in the Cascades, staring at a frozen waterfall — the culmination of a long inquiry, not a shortcut past one.
The contemporary Christian who finds her faith deconstructing is not necessarily losing the tradition. She may be encountering it for the first time — finding, beneath the cultural accretion, the actual inheritance: a body of thought that has survived precisely because it has never been afraid of the question, and a God who, in the text Job was given, speaks from the whirlwind rather than from the safety of a formula.
The darkness Psalm 88 ends in is not the tradition’s last word. It is the tradition’s honest word — the acknowledgment that the person of faith inhabits a reality that is not fully transparent, and that the integrity of remaining inside that reality without falsifying it is itself a form of faithfulness. Thomas received the evidence he asked for, and what he said in response — My Lord and my God — was not the absence of struggle. It was its completion.
The faith that has been broken and held is not the same as the faith that was never tested. It is deeper. It costs more. It is capable of more. The tradition does not promise that the inquiry will be short or the passage comfortable. It promises, with a consistency the intellectual record tends to bear out, that the tradition is large enough to hold the person who enters it honestly — and that what waits on the other side of the whirlwind is not a formula, but a presence.
Notes
1 Barna Group, Millennials and the Bible: 3 Surprising Insights (Ventura: Barna Group, 2019). For the broader pattern of educational attainment and faith departure, see also David Kinnaman and Mark Matlock, Faith for Exiles: 5 Ways for a New Generation to Follow Jesus in Digital Babylon (Grand Rapids: Baker Books, 2019), esp. chapters 2–3.
2 On Augustine’s Manichaean period and the role of Ambrose in his intellectual conversion, see Peter Brown, Augustine of Hippo: A Biography, rev. ed. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000), chapters 5–7. Brown’s account remains the standard scholarly biography in English. Augustine’s own narration is in Confessions, Books III–VII, particularly his account of encountering Ambrose’s allegorical method of biblical interpretation at V.xiii–xiv.
3 On the reception of Aristotle in the medieval university and Aquinas’s double exposure to Augustinian conservatives and radical Averroists at Paris, see Étienne Gilson, Reason and Revelation in the Middle Ages (New York: Scribner, 1938); and Alasdair MacIntyre, Three Rival Versions of Moral Enquiry (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1990), chapter 6. On the 1277 condemnations and their relationship to Aquinas’s work, see also Edward Grant, God and Reason in the Middle Ages (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001). The phrase “grace does not destroy nature but completes it” (gratia non tollit naturam sed perficit) is from Aquinas, Summa Theologiae I, q. 1, a. 8, ad. 2.
4 On Robert Boyle’s integration of Christian faith and experimental science, see Michael Hunter, Boyle: Between God and Science (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009), particularly chapter 10 on the Boyle Lectures. For the broader context of early modern natural philosophy and theological commitments, see also John Hedley Brooke, Science and Religion: Some Historical Perspectives (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991).
5 Alvin Plantinga, Warranted Christian Belief (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000). For a more accessible statement of the “properly basic” argument, see Plantinga’s essay “Reason and Belief in God,” in Alvin Plantinga and Nicholas Wolterstorff, eds., Faith and Rationality (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1983), 16–93.
6 Francis Collins, The Language of God: A Scientist Presents Evidence for Belief (New York: Free Press, 2006). On Collins’s reading of C. S. Lewis as the intellectual catalyst for his conversion, see pp. 20–21; on the frozen waterfall and the culmination of his inquiry, see pp. 224–225. For Collins’s account of the relationship between genomic science and theistic belief, see esp. chapter 6, “Genesis, Galileo, and Darwin.” C. S. Lewis’s original argument, which Collins found persuasive, is in Mere Christianity (London: Geoffrey Bles, 1952), Books I–II.
7 On Marilynne Robinson’s defense of Calvinist intellectual culture and the life of the mind within Protestant tradition, see her essay collections The Death of Adam (New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1998) and Absence of Mind (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2010). On Sarah Coakley’s project of integrating contemplative theology with analytic philosophy, see God, Sexuality, and the Self: An Essay ‘On the Trinity’ (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), the first volume of her projected systematic theology.
