Faith Is Not Blind · Final Installment
Wars and Rumors of War · Watchman Insight
Section I
The Room Where the Question Is Already Settled
There is a particular silence that settles over a person at a faculty dinner, or in a startup all-hands meeting, or during a school board curriculum review, or in the break room of a suburban community hospital, when someone says something about religion — not maliciously, not even carelessly, but with the quiet confidence of a person who assumes the room agrees. The tone is not hostile. It is something more unsettling: it is the tone of a consensus so settled that dissent has become socially inconceivable. The unspoken premise is that intelligent people, serious people, people who have read what needs to be read and thought what needs to be thought, have moved past this. Faith, at best, is a private eccentricity to be tolerated.
That experience is real, and it is worth naming precisely. Not universal — the American intellectual landscape is more varied than any single anecdote captures, and major research universities continue to house serious religious scholarship alongside secular inquiry — but real, and concentrated in particular professional environments in a way that has intensified over the past two generations. The Christian who finds herself in these spaces does not typically face legal coercion or explicit discrimination. What she faces is the subtler pressure of being assumed, by default, to be less than fully serious. The assumption rarely needs to be stated. It operates as ambient air.
This is the final installment in the Faith Is Not Blind series, and it arrives at a question the preceding posts have been approaching from different angles: not whether Christian faith can survive serious intellectual scrutiny — the historical record suggests it can, and has — but what it looks like, in practice, to inhabit that faith within the specific social ecology of contemporary American professional life. To be, as the tradition has always had a word for, a resident alien: present, engaged, genuinely excellent, and unwilling to accept the surrounding culture’s account of what it means to be serious.
In the previous installment, The Faith That Breaks Before It Holds, we examined the interior passage — the way serious doubt, when it is not evaded, can deepen rather than dissolve Christian conviction. This post asks the exterior question: once that conviction holds, what does it ask of you in the world you actually inhabit?
Section II
Three People Who Did Not Leave the Room
The figure of the Christian intellectual as social exile — retreating into sectarian enclaves, abandoning the shared spaces of culture and commerce — is a real phenomenon in the tradition’s history, and not always an ignoble one. But it is not the only history. Alongside the withdrawals, the tradition has also produced a different kind of person: one who remained at the center of the dominant culture of their moment, operated within its conventions and demands, and quietly refused — in ways that were sometimes invisible and sometimes not — to be assimilated into its deepest assumptions.
William Wilberforce was not a marginal figure. Educated at Cambridge, elected to Parliament at twenty-one, he moved through the most powerful social circles of late eighteenth-century Britain with the ease of a man born to them. He also underwent, in his mid-twenties, a conversion to evangelical Christianity that his political mentor William Pitt assumed would end his public career — that a man of serious faith could not remain in serious politics. Wilberforce did not agree. He recorded in his diary around 1787 a sentence that has become one of the more-cited formulations in British political history: that God had set before him two great objects, the suppression of the slave trade and the reformation of manners. He spent the next forty-six years in Parliament pursuing both. He did not do this from outside the culture. He did it from inside it — using its own vocabulary, its own procedures, its own forms of social capital — and arguing, relentlessly, from a moral framework whose ultimate ground was explicitly theological, in rooms full of people who found that ground embarrassing.
Wilberforce was not naive about the cost. He wrote with some precision about the contempt that evangelical faith attracted in polite society — the way it was associated, in the minds of his educated contemporaries, with enthusiasm, vulgarity, and intellectual incapacity. His response was not to conceal the framework. It was to be more rigorous, more prepared, and more compelling than his opponents, until the embarrassment attached to his position rather than to his person.
Dorothy Sayers — Oxford-educated, the first woman awarded an honorary degree from that university, and a member of the Inklings’ extended circle — spent most of her career writing detective fiction and essays on Christian doctrine with equal seriousness. Her targets were not external critics but internal failures: the tendency of the church to present a Christianity so domesticated, so stripped of its genuine strangeness, that it posed no real challenge to anything. Her 1941 essay “The Dogma Is the Drama” argued that the creeds, properly understood, were more intellectually subversive than anything secular modernity had produced — that the scandal was not that Christianity asked people to believe something irrational, but that it asked them to believe something far too demanding for the comfort of the respectable. She wrote for audiences who read the same books and attended the same lectures she did, and she argued — with wit, with learning, and without apology — that her framework was more adequate to reality than the alternatives on offer.
The third figure inhabited a different kind of center. John Perkins, the son of a Mississippi sharecropper, grew up without the social privileges Wilberforce and Sayers inherited. What he shares with them is the refusal to accept the terms the surrounding culture offered — in his case, not the secular dismissal of faith but the racial logic of mid-twentieth-century America, which the dominant Christian culture of his region had, catastrophically, absorbed and sanctified. Perkins’s development of Christian Community Development — the sustained, incarnational work of reconciliation and economic rebuilding in communities the dominant culture had abandoned — was an act of intellectual as much as moral resistance. The mainstream sociologists and economists of his era had largely concluded that the structural problems of the rural South required top-down federal intervention; white evangelical institutions, for their part, regarded racial reconciliation as a distraction from the gospel. Perkins disagreed with both on explicitly theological grounds, and built the evidence for his disagreement from the ground up, neighborhood by neighborhood, until the model could no longer be ignored. That work was performed at considerable personal cost — including a night in 1970 when Mississippi highway patrolmen beat him nearly to death — and he returned to the work after it. He did not withdraw. The framework he refused to surrender was the one that told him the image of God was present in every person in that room, including the ones trying to break him.
These three trajectories differ enormously in context, privilege, and the specific pressures they encountered. What connects them is a common refusal: they did not resolve the tension between their faith and the world they inhabited by abandoning one or the other. They held both, and the holding shaped what they produced.
Section III
The Language the Consensus Did Not Recognize
The earliest sustained description of what it means to live as a Christian intellectual in an alien culture is not a treatise. It is a letter — Paul’s first letter to the Corinthians, addressed to a community embedded in one of the most cosmopolitan, commercially sophisticated, and intellectually self-confident cities of the Roman world. Corinth prized sophia — wisdom in the Greek philosophical sense, the refinement that marked a person as belonging to the educated elite. The Christian community Paul was writing to had begun to absorb that hierarchy of value, ranking themselves by the sophistication of their teachers and the eloquence of their rhetoric.
Paul’s response is worth reading carefully, because it is not — despite a long history of anti-intellectual misappropriation — a dismissal of intelligence. It is a dismantling of a specific kind of intellectual pride: the confidence that the reigning cultural frameworks for evaluating knowledge are themselves beyond scrutiny.
“For the foolishness of God is wiser than human wisdom, and the weakness of God is stronger than human strength.”
— 1 Corinthians 1:25 (NIV)
The claim is not that wisdom is suspect. It is that the wisdom operating in the room does not have the final word on what wisdom is — a distinction that is as relevant in a seminar room as it was in first-century Corinth.
The second text arrives later in the same letter, immediately after Paul’s discussion of spiritual gifts, and it makes a precise epistemological claim: that even the most sophisticated cognitive capacities available to human beings are operating within limits they cannot, by themselves, perceive.
“For now we see only a reflection as in a mirror; we see dimly. But then we shall see face to face. Now I know in part; then I shall know fully, even as I am fully known.”
— 1 Corinthians 13:12 (NIV)
The intellectual humility this encodes is not a retreat from serious inquiry. It is the condition that makes serious inquiry honest — the acknowledgment that even the best minds in the room are working with partial information, and that holding this in tension with the pursuit of truth is more epistemically serious, not less, than the confidence that the current consensus has resolved what remains open.
The third text is from Peter’s first letter, addressed to communities he explicitly calls parepidemos — resident aliens, strangers in a foreign land — and it offers perhaps the most compressed description of the social posture being commended:
“Always be prepared to give an answer to everyone who asks you to give the reason for the hope that you have. But do this with gentleness and respect.”
— 1 Peter 3:15 (NIV)
The grammar of the verse is instructive. The preparation is not optional. The gentleness is not weakness. The respect is not deference. And the verse does not assume that its reader will be a trained apologist or a professional theologian. It assumes something more modest and more demanding: that the person being addressed is living visibly enough that questions will come — that the hope is evident in the steadiness she brings to a colleague’s crisis, the consistency she maintains under pressure, the quality of attention she gives to work that no one else is watching — and that when the question finally arrives, she will have something to say that is neither defensive nor rehearsed, but measured and true. Watchfulness. Presence. The willingness to give an account of a life that has already been offering one.
Section IV
What Counter-Culture Actually Requires — and What It Cannot Promise
The phrase Christian counter-culture is used in contemporary American evangelical discourse in two nearly opposite senses. The first is the sectarian version: withdrawal, parallel institutions, a social world insulated enough from the surrounding culture that contact is minimized and contamination prevented. The second is what the tradition’s most enduring figures have actually practiced: deep engagement, rigorous preparation, and a refusal to accept the surrounding culture’s account of what is true or valuable — while remaining fully present within its structures. It is the second sense that carries historical weight.
The sociologist James Davison Hunter, in his 2010 study To Change the World, offered a diagnosis of American evangelical cultural engagement that has been more widely discussed among Christian intellectuals than any comparable work of the decade. Hunter’s central argument is that American Christianity has consistently overestimated what can be accomplished through political mobilization and cultural protest, and underestimated what is accomplished through sustained, excellent work in the institutions where cultural production actually happens — the university, the professions, the centers of commerce and policy. The people who change culture, he argues, are rarely the ones trying to change it. They are the ones so embedded in its legitimate structures, doing their work so well, that the culture cannot ignore them. “Faithful presence” — his phrase — is not a strategy for cultural dominance, and it is not passivity. For the ordinary professional, it means being the most reliable engineer in the department, the most scrupulous accountant in the firm, the nurse who stays an extra ten minutes because the patient needs it. The most powerful refusal of a culture’s deepest assumptions is often not argument but a quality of work and attention that the assumptions, if they were true, could not produce.
The philosopher Charles Taylor, in his 2007 study A Secular Age, provides the theoretical ground beneath Hunter’s practical argument. Taylor’s central claim is that the rise of what he calls the “immanent frame” — the cultural assumption that the natural order is a self-sufficient explanation for everything that matters — was not the inevitable result of scientific discovery. It was the product of specific choices, made by specific people, within a specific historical sequence, that foreclosed certain accounts of transcendence and elevated others. The secular consensus that presents itself as the neutral default of objective inquiry is, on Taylor’s analysis, itself a position — one with unchosen assumptions, suppressed alternatives, and genuine costs. To inhabit the room where that consensus operates as ambient air, and to recognize it as a position rather than a resting point, is not a failure of sophistication. It is the beginning of intellectual honesty.
A serious secular thinker, reading this, might reasonably push back: why should the natural order require any explanation beyond itself? What does the theistic framework actually explain that the naturalistic one cannot? These are fair questions, and the tradition does not answer them by assertion. What the best Christian philosophers of science have done — Alvin Plantinga most rigorously among them — is to argue the narrower and more defensible claim: that Christian belief cannot be characterized as uniquely irrational among the foundational commitments people inevitably hold. Plantinga’s argument, developed across decades in analytic philosophy’s most exacting mode, is not that theism is demonstrably true but that naturalism’s claim to self-evidence is itself a philosophical position that has not survived scrutiny. The conflict, as he titled one of his later books, does not lie where the standard secular narrative places it.
The specific case that presses hardest on the American professional is the relationship between Christian faith and the natural sciences. Denis Alexander, Emeritus Director of the Faraday Institute for Science and Religion at Cambridge and a working molecular biologist, makes a distinction here that deserves more attention than it typically receives in popular discussion. He separates methodological naturalism — the working assumption, appropriate within science, that natural phenomena are explained by natural causes — from metaphysical naturalism, the further philosophical claim that the natural order is all there is. The first is a methodological tool, necessary for science to function. The second is a metaphysical commitment that science, as science, cannot establish. Much of the apparent conflict between Christian faith and scientific inquiry, Alexander argues, is the result of collapsing this distinction: treating a methodological principle as if it were a metaphysical conclusion. A scientist who works within methodological naturalism all week and attends church on Sunday has not committed a logical error. She has simply declined to confuse the tool with the verdict.
Francis Collins, who directed the Human Genome Project and served as director of the National Institutes of Health, offers the clearest contemporary example of what this looks like in practice. Collins came to Christian faith as an adult through a process that was primarily intellectual before it was experiential — reading C. S. Lewis’s Mere Christianity as a working scientist and finding, argument by argument, that the dismissal of faith he had held as a default could not survive engagement with faith’s most careful defenders. He is explicit in The Language of God about the limits of what science settles and what it does not, and he does not present the evidence as coercive. What his trajectory suggests is that the encounter between rigorous scientific practice and Christian conviction need not resolve in the direction that secular culture assumes — and that the assumption itself may be less the result of evidence than of unexamined cultural inheritance.
Andy Crouch, in Culture Making (2008), draws the practical implication: the person who wants to engage culture from a position of Christian conviction does not primarily do so by criticizing what exists. She does so by making — by contributing to the actual work of culture with the full resources of her tradition, including resources that the dominant culture does not recognize as resources. Excellence in the work itself is not separable from the witness the work bears. Research that is more careful, argument that is more rigorous, institutions that treat their people with greater humanity — these are not merely professional achievements. They are, in the tradition’s vocabulary, forms of love enacted in the specific place where one has been set.
The counter-culture the American professional life most needs is not a protest movement and not a withdrawal. It is the faithful presence of people who know what they believe, do their work with uncommon seriousness, and are prepared, when the room goes quiet, to give an account of the hope that is in them. But the tradition offers no guarantee that this presence will be rewarded with recognition, or that excellence will be met with acceptance. Wilberforce waited forty-six years. Perkins was beaten for his faithfulness and returned to the community that had beaten him. The texts that underwrite this posture commend it not because it works, in the world’s terms, but because it is honest — because it refuses to falsify reality in either direction, toward despair or toward a confidence the situation does not yet warrant.
Section V
The Faithful Presence the Room Has Always Needed — Whether or Not It Knows It
Wilberforce did not end the slave trade by leaving Parliament. Sayers did not rehabilitate the intellectual credibility of Christian doctrine by declining to write for audiences who disagreed with her. Perkins did not rebuild Mendenhall from a safe distance. The pattern the tradition commends is not the pattern of withdrawal. It is the pattern of remaining — in the room, in the work, in the relationship — with clarity about what one actually believes, preparation sufficient to give an account of it when asked, and a gentleness that does not confuse conviction with aggression.
The silence at the faculty dinner — or the staff meeting, or the school board table — is not a verdict. It is an assumption. Assumptions, unlike verdicts, can be addressed — not primarily through argument, though argument has its place, but through the accumulated weight of presence: a life conducted in a way that eventually requires an explanation the surrounding consensus cannot easily provide.
But the tradition does not promise that the explanation will be welcomed, or that the presence will be acknowledged, or that the room will eventually come around. It promises something older and less comfortable: that faithfulness, which is not the same as effectiveness, is its own kind of completion. The first recipients of Peter’s letter were not told that their resident-alien status would eventually be resolved by cultural acceptance. They were told to be prepared to give an account. The account is the thing. What the room does with it belongs to someone else.
The Corinthians were told that the framework they had inherited looked like foolishness to the culture they inhabited. They were not told to find this embarrassing, or to wait until the culture was ready to receive it. They were told to understand why it was not foolish — and to remain in Corinth, doing the work, prepared for the question when it came.
The faith that remains present in the room without belonging to the room’s consensus is not a lesser faith. It is, in the tradition’s account, the faith that has understood where it is — and stayed anyway. Not because it is certain of its reception, but because the place where it has been set is the place where it is called to be. That has always been the assignment. It remains so.
The daily struggle to hold conviction inside a room that did not ask for it is, in the end, only the local expression of something far older and larger — a fault line that runs not just through the American professional landscape but through the whole of human history, from the first conflict encoded in Genesis to the maps that still bleed today. Beginning soon: THE FAULT LINE — Israel, Its Neighbors, and the Pattern That Outlasts Empires.
Notes
1 William Wilberforce’s diary entry on his “two great objects” is cited in John Pollock, Wilberforce (London: Constable, 1977), 69. On William Pitt’s prediction that evangelical conversion would end Wilberforce’s political viability, see William Hague, William Wilberforce: The Life of the Great Anti-Slave Trade Campaigner (London: HarperCollins, 2007), chapters 5–6. For Wilberforce’s own account of the social contempt attached to evangelical faith in polite society, see his A Practical View of the Prevailing Religious System of Professed Christians (London: T. Cadell and W. Davies, 1797).
2 Dorothy L. Sayers, “The Dogma Is the Drama,” in Creed or Chaos? (London: Methuen, 1947), 3–17. For Sayers’s position within British intellectual culture and the circumstances of her Oxford honorary degree, see Barbara Reynolds, Dorothy L. Sayers: Her Life and Soul (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1993).
3 John M. Perkins, Let Justice Roll Down (Ventura: Regal Books, 1976); and With Justice for All (Ventura: Regal Books, 1982). On Christian Community Development as intellectual and theological counter-argument to prevailing sociological consensus, see Robert D. Lupton, Theirs Is the Kingdom: Celebrating the Gospel in Urban America (San Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco, 1989); and John M. Perkins, ed., Restoring At-Risk Communities: Doing It Together and Doing It Right (Grand Rapids: Baker Books, 1995). On the 1970 Brandon beatings, see Charles Marsh, The Beloved Community: How Faith Shapes Social Justice, from the Civil Rights Movement to Today (New York: Basic Books, 2005), chapter 5.
4 James Davison Hunter, To Change the World: The Irony, Tragedy, and Possibility of Christianity in the Late Modern World (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010), esp. Part III, “Faithful Presence.” For an accessible summary of Hunter’s argument and its reception, see also Alan Jacobs, “The Watchmen,” Books & Culture, November/December 2010.
5 Charles Taylor, A Secular Age (Cambridge: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2007), esp. chapter 1, “The Bulwarks of Belief,” and Part IV, “Narratives of Secularization.” For a condensed account of the “immanent frame,” see Taylor’s shorter essay “Buffered and Porous Selves,” The Immanent Frame (Social Science Research Council blog), September 2, 2008.
6 Alvin Plantinga, Where the Conflict Really Lies: Science, Religion, and Naturalism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011). The core argument — that there is deep concord between theism and science, and superficial conflict, while there is deep conflict between naturalism and science — is summarized accessibly in chapter 9, “Deep Concord.” For the “properly basic” epistemological argument, see Plantinga, Warranted Christian Belief (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000).
7 Denis Alexander, Creation or Evolution: Do We Have to Choose?, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Monarch Books, 2014), esp. chapters 2–3 on methodological versus metaphysical naturalism. Alexander is Emeritus Director of the Faraday Institute for Science and Religion, St. Edmund’s College, University of Cambridge. For the distinction between methodological and metaphysical naturalism in the philosophy of science more broadly, see also Robert T. Pennock, “Supernaturalist Explanations and the Prospects for a Theistic Science,” Philo 1, no. 2 (1998): 34–43.
8 Francis Collins, The Language of God: A Scientist Presents Evidence for Belief (New York: Free Press, 2006). On Collins’s reading of C. S. Lewis as the intellectual catalyst for his conversion, see pp. 20–21. C. S. Lewis’s argument, which Collins engaged, is in Mere Christianity (London: Geoffrey Bles, 1952), Books I–II. For Collins’s account of the limits of what science settles, see esp. chapter 2, “The Moral Law.”
9 Andy Crouch, Culture Making: Recovering Our Creative Calling (Downers Gore: InterVarsity Press, 2008), esp. chapters 4–5 on creating and cultivating as the primary modes of cultural engagement.
